France's lower house of parliament has overwhelmingly approved a ban on wearing burka-style Islamic veils, part of a determined effort to define and protect French values that has disconcerted many in the country's large Muslim community.

The ban will now go to the Senate in September, where it is also likely to be approved. Its biggest hurdle is expected to come at the following stage, when France's constitutional watchdog scrutinises it.

The issue has been debated across Europe, and Spain and Belgium have similar bans in the pipeline.

France has Europe's largest Muslim population, about five million of the country's 64 million, but while ordinary headscarves are common, only about 1,900 women are believed to wear the face-covering veils.

The main body representing French Muslims believes such veils are not suitable in France, but it fears the ban will stigmatise all Muslims.

Malika Hamidi, director general of the European Muslim Network think-tank, voiced concern that the ban's backers are "playing up a feeling of fear of Islam" at a time when Europe is concerned about its changing identity, struggling to manage its diversity and dealing with an economic crisis.

In Tuesday's vote at the National Assembly, there were 335 votes for the Bill and just one against it. Most members of the main opposition group, the Socialist Party, walked out and refused to vote, though they in fact support a ban.

The Bill bans face-covering veils everywhere that can be considered public space, even in the street, but the Socialists only want it in certain places, such as government buildings, hospitals and public transport.

France's government has insisted that assimilation is the only path for immigrants and minorities, and last year it launched a grand nationwide debate on what it means to be French. The country has had difficulty integrating generations of immigrants and their children, as witnessed by weeks of rioting by youths, many of them minorities, in troubled neighbourhoods in 2005.

At the National Assembly, few dissenters spoke out about civil liberties or fears of fanning anti-Islam sentiment. Berengere Poletti, of President Sarkozy's party, said face-covering veils "are a prison for women, they are the sign of their submission to their husbands, brothers or fathers."

The Centre on Tuesday justified its decision before a tribunal to extend the ban on the Students Islamic Movement of India (Simi), saying such action was needed to bring the Muslim community into the mainstream by checking its “disgruntled” elements.

“There has been substantial increase in Muslim population and also in [their] getting opportunity in various public sectors, but some disgruntled elements are spreading rumours of the government discriminating against them. Hence, this ban is justified to bring Muslim into the mainstream,” additional solicitor general (ASG) AS Chandhiok said.

“The lawyer representing Simi has not denied that the group is working under a new name,” Chandhiok submitted before a tribunal headed by Delhi high court judge, justice Sanjiv Khanna, which is hearing a case on the legality of the Centre’s decision to extend the ban for the fifth time.

The Centre contended there is sufficient evidence to prove that Simi has been operating in the country, despite being banned in 2001. The government had on February 5 extended the ban on the organisation by two years under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. This is the fifth ban since 2001.

To substantiate his statement, the ASG read out confessional statements by people accused of orchestrating serial blasts across the country. “These statements show Simi is involved in unlawful activities,” Chandhiok said. “The material obtained from Simi’s offices across the country says everything. They are working under the name of Indian Mujahideen [IM].”

“We want to give the community a message that we are not against them, but we oppose their participation in unlawful activities. We want these people to join the mainstream and be part of a larger forum,” the ASG said.

Simi opposed the extension of ban on them, saying the government had no fresh evidence against the organisation. It also objected to the government’s submission that statements by alleged IM terrorists were admissible.

During an earlier hearing, even additional commissioner of police (special cell) Sanjeev Kumar Yadav had deposed before the court, saying Simi was active under various names. “Simi has floated new outlets despite the ban,” Yadav said. The tribunal was set up to hear complaints on the extension of the ban on Simi for two more years in February 2010.

Kerala Police today launched raids at the offices of Popular Front, a radical Muslim organisation, whose members are allegedly behind the attack on a teacher whose palm was chopped off and were also stockpiling crude arms and explosives.

Raids have now been conducted at the state committee office of Popular Front in Kozhikode besides offices at other districts like Kasargode and Wayanad. A large number of documents were seized from the group's office in Kozhikode and police are examining them.

The police action comes days after the opposition pulled up the ruling Left Front government for not taking stern action against subversive activities in the state.

The Congress-led United Democratic Front(UDF) yesterday,  asked the government to call an all-party meeting to discuss the recent terror-related incidents that have shaken the state.

In the last 10 days, a cache of explosives and crude arms were from the compound of a building owned by a mosque in Kannur Monday, the local Nilambur-Shornur train was sabotaged, some explosives were found on the Vanchinad Express, and the professor, who faces charges for including a blasphemous question in a question paper, was attacked.

Police had arrested five alleged Popular Front activists for the attack on the professor and another two dozen are in custody over the seizure at Kannur.

In a related development, a division bench of the Kerala High Court today asked the central and state governments to respond on a petition filed by a Kochi resident asking for a ban on the Popular Front.

In his introduction, Mushirul Hasan asserts that the book is born out of a deep realisation that hardly any academically worthwhile work is available on ‘Islam in South Asia,' and this, at a time when pernicious misconceptions — such as that ‘Islam is a violent religion' and ‘Muslims are the only trouble-makers' — have crystallised into dominant facts in public mind. Obviously, this book is an attempt to confront these negative stereotypes and place the various elements of Islam and the Muslim society in perspective.

The book is divided into two parts — the first, on ‘Islam and the world,' has nine essays and the second, on ‘Islam in India', has 12, besides an interesting story, ‘I am a Hindu' by Asghar Wajahat, translated by Rakhshanda Jalil from Hindi.

The contributors include not just the well-known names such as Imtiaz Ahmed, Tariq Ramadan and Seema Alavi, but also several young scholars, who need to thank the magnanimous editor for giving them the rewarding experience.

Post 9/11

The first part, which covers a wide range of issues such as pluralism in Islamic societies, relationship between Islam and Christianity, and politics of gender discrimination in Islam, discusses how 9/11 has shaped the content of news media, public diplomacy, and the war on terror. The second part is devoted to themes like Sufism in Kashmir, caste in Indian Islam, role of Muslims of Bihar in India's freedom movement, and the tradition of Deoband. It also has an analysis of the revenue and judicial records in the Nizzamuddin dargha and of the Muslim identity in Hindi cinema. The materials presented are so huge that each part could have formed a separate book in itself.

Tariq Ramadan, in his essay on the relationship between Islam and Christianity, argues that people of different faiths, instead of looking for potential converts in the modern world, should work for the betterment of humanity by going back to the roots of their respective religions. The article on ‘Islamic culture and brotherhood' recognises that the real challenge before Islam, in its interface with modernity, lies in how it grapples with the concepts of ‘equality,' ‘democracy,' ‘human rights,' and so on. The one on ‘Islam and gender discrimination' articulates the need for a creative reinterpretation of Islam that would help place the cause of women in a progressive global system. Although the justification for gender hierarchy and discrimination of women could be traced to the evolution of Islamic sciences such as Hadith (prophetic tradition), tafsir (exegesis), and fiqh (jurisprudence), creative analysis and de-contextualised reflections could make Islam compatible with modern ideas of gender equality.

Insightful analysis

Imtiaz Ahmed, known for his pioneering work on social stratification among Indian Muslims, offers an insightful analysis under the head “Recognition and Entitlement: Muslim castes eligible for inclusion in the category, Scheduled Castes” — a revised version of a paper he presented at a 2006 conference at Tata Institute of Social Sciences. According to him, it would be an over-simplification to argue that dalit Muslims are basically converts from the Scheduled Castes. Instead, he feels, they need to be seen as people who found themselves in such a state because the Muslim elites, possibly, forced them (the newly converted) into it so that they themselves could perpetuate and retain their dominance in feudal, agrarian India.

In an interesting article, Seema Alavi looks at Unani medicine's engagement with the colonial systems of medicine in 19th century India. The author questions the idea of colonial public health being a direct import from the Western model of civil society. It is argued that the local communities using medical literature published in major languages of the time — Persian, Arabic, and Urdu — contributed to the shaping of the public health system as well as to its discourse in civil society. Overall, this collection of essays should serve as a vital source for scholars concerned about the current issues affecting Muslims and Islam.  (By Shaikh Mujeebur Rahman)

CHENNAI: Tens of thousands of Indian pilgrims intending to perform the Haj this year are threatened by a looming crisis as they may find no accommodation in the holy cities in Saudi Arabia when they reach there in November.

Diplomatic sources said almost all available accommodation at Mecca and Medinah have been taken over for pilgrims from other countries, and the 1,16,000 pilgrims who would go through the Haj Committee of India this year would find it difficult to find convenient buildings.

Normally, accommodation arrangements are done 10 months before the Haj commences. But following a Delhi High Court stay order restraining the two top office-bearers of the Haj Committee of India from functioning, all work has come to a standstill. On March 26, the High Court turned down a plea by the Haj committee to vacate the stay on the functioning of its chairperson and vice-chairperson and asked the external affairs ministry to temporarily oversee arrangements for the annual pilgrimage.

A division bench of Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul and Justice Valmiki J Mehta said the interim order restraining them from discharging official duties — which came soon after the committee elections in March — would continue till the disposal of the case.

The bench, however, as an interim measure, directed the joint secretary in the ministry of external affairs to look into all work pertaining to this year’s Haj pilgrimage arrangements.

Prince of Arcot, Nawab Mohammed Abdul Ali, said in a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, ‘‘As a result of the Delhi High Court order and the inability of the Haj committee to speed up the process, almost all the good and convenient buildings near the Holy Ka’aba at Mecca and the Prophet’s Mosque at Medinah have been already booked and hired by the Haj missions of other countries.’’

He urged the PM to ensure that ‘‘devoted, sincere, committed and respected’’ people who commanded the trust and confidence of the Muslim community should be involved in the administration of all Haj-related matters.